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Racism can be defined as an, “ideology used to justify harmful practices of inequity based on the belief that one race is superior to another based on skin color and phenotype.” (Chavez-Dueñas, 51) Some definitions of racism highlight the need for power to fully enact racist ideologies, i.e. the understanding of racism as, “power plus prejudice.” (Operario and Fiske). While marginalized communities do have the ability to be prejudiced, to enact racism and aforementioned “harmful practices of inequity,” an individual needs systemic power, power of which people of color are inherently stripped (Chavez-Dueñas, 51). It is important to separate racism from prejudice to critically examine the way that racism--systemic practices based on racist prejudice--affects different communities in different ways. While all BIPOC in the U.S. are subject to racism, certain groups are disproportionately affected and disadvantaged by it, with intersectional identities creating a greater aggregate effect of systemic oppression. Ethnic identity and racial identity differ in many ways, most notably in phenotypic expressions. Race is a social construct, created by European colonizers to justify, “oppression, slavery, and conquest,” (link) with no impact on a person’s genetic makeup. Ethnicity is a cultural identity that, “denotes groups… that share a common identity-based ancestry, language, or culture,” (link) with members who may have different racial identities. It is important to validate the different lived experiences of all people, especially those within the same ethnic group, to gain a holistic understanding of racial and historical trauma. Ethno-racial trauma, as defined by the founder of the Immigration, Critical Race, And Cultural Equity Lab, Dr. Chavez-Dueñas, as, “the individual or collective psychological distress and fear of danger that results from experiencing or witnessing discrimination, threats of harm, violence, and intimidation directed at ethno-racial minority groups.” (Chavez-Dueñas, 49). This psychological distress creates concrete, lifelong physical and mental health disparities in affected communities. In 2000, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services found that, “race and ethnic health disparities were due to racism,” (Comas-Díaz, 1) citing that racial trauma creates negative mental health symptoms similar to Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Unlike PTSD, which is rooted in past trauma, racial trauma, “involves ongoing individual and collective injuries due to exposure and reexposure to race-based stress.” (Comas-Díaz, 1). While many people with PTSD are able to process past trauma in their present lives, BIPOC are unable to escape the ongoing racial and historical traumas they face. This means that not only are BIPOC predisposed to physical barriers to increased well-being, for example systemic obstacles like racist policing and prejudiced societal norms, they are also more likely to experience issues with their mental health.
Historical trauma is a clinical condition and life stressor that is, “inextricably linked,” (Hartmann 10) to racial trauma, both of which are ongoing processes. Additionally, research shows that historical and racial trauma can cause adverse effects in generations far removed from the traumatic historical period (Comas-Díaz 2). Dr. Rachel Yehuda, Director of the Center for Psychedelic Psychotherapy and Trauma Research at the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai, conducted a study in 2016 exploring the epigenetic effects of intergenerational trauma. Her research found the, “first demonstration of… how severe psychophysiological trauma can have intergenerational effects.” (Yehuda) Our current educational system does not validate the historical trauma, and its adverse psychophysiological effects, that BIPOC and other marginalized communities have experienced, which further exacerbates the pre-existing traumas these communities endure. Silencing and/or rewriting histories in course syllabi, “can influence identity constriction, attitude formation, and decision making, and action at both the individual and collective levels.” (Nagata 40) In an attempt to shield children from learning about horrific atrocities committed by the same government they are taught to trust, children of color are forced to process both the, “reality based repetitive harm,” (Daniel 126) of racial and historical trauma while concurrently navigating their way through a world that invalidates their lived experiences. Recognizing the existence and impact of racial and historical trauma is the first step in working towards mediating ethno-racial health disparities. While there is not an overwhelming amount of research on racial trauma and health disparities, the research present provides ample support for the recognition of racial trauma and its adverse, intersectional effects on communities of color. Additionally, immigrant communities are subject to higher levels of nativism, xenophobia, and ethnocentrism. Nativism can be defined as, “opposition towards ethnic minorities based on the belief that foreigners are ‘unamerican’ and are a threat to the purity of the national culture.” Ethnocentrism is the, “belief one’s ethnic group’s beliefs, values, and practices are superior to all others.” (Chavez-Dueñas 51). Due to white-supremacist ideologies and global racial hierarchies, Black and Brown immigrants are stereotyped to be inferior to U.S. Citizens.
Currently, the United States comprises six main ethno-racial identities: white/caucasions, Blacks, Latinx, Native Americans, Asians, and Middle Easterners/North Africans. Minoritized communities in the United States share similar lived experiences of oppression they have faced in this country, experiences which can be exacerbated by additional intersectional identities individuals within the community may hold. To understand the breadth of historical and racial trauma these communities have faced, it is essential to recognize the distinct traumas that have affected them and how different traumas can create different psychophysiological effects. This essay will explore the concrete impacts of racism and systemic inequalities on communities of color, highlighting the historical and racial trauma by which communities of color are disproportionately affected. These traumas create mental, physical, and emotional health disparities that negatively impact the wellbeing of marginalized communities. The intersection of marginalized identities creates an inexplicable and inescapable amount of trauma for marginalized peoples; trauma evident through the examination of racial and ethnic health disparities in the United States.
Native Americans were the first people to be affected by racism in the United States, beginning with the brutal colonization of their land and the genocide of their people. An article in the Journal of the American Psychological Association, exploring American Indian Historical Trauma, defined Native American historical trauma through “four Cs: Collective experience of colonial injury with cumulative effects snowballing to produce cross-generational impacts that increase risk for behavioral health problems among American Indians today.” The authors of this article compare the symptoms of historical trauma for Native Americans to intergenerational PTSD, citing symptoms of, “depression and self-destructive behavior, substance abuse, identification with the ancestral pain, fixation to trauma, somatic symptoms, anxiety, guilt, and chronic bereavement.” (Hartmann 9) Further, Native American historical trauma is distinct from other traumas as it is continually enforced by the ongoing colonization of Native land. According to the U.S. Department of the Interior Natural Resources Revenue Data, 56 million acres of land is owned by Native Americans, approximately 8% of the land owned by the federal government and 2% of the total land in the United States (link). The 2010 Census data states 22% of Native Americans in the United States live on reservations (link), and these reservations are historically and systemically underserved by the U.S. Government (CITE). 78% of Native Americans live outside of reservations, pushed out of reservations due to low quality of life and lower occupational and educational opportunities. Due to the white dominanted society in the U.S., Native Americans living outside of reservations are subject to increased interpersonal racism and prejudice. Dr. Hartmann, from the University of Washington Bothell, explored Anticolonial Prescriptions for Healing, Resilience, and Survivance in the aforementioned research journal article and discussed methods to counteract the racial and historical trauma Native Americans face. In addition to widely accepted coping strategies for mental health issues like depression, anxiety, and self harm, Dr. Hartmann found research supporting the use of, “‘cultural factors… as buffers’ mediating the impact of HT [historical trauma] (and other stressors) on AI [American Indian] health outcomes.” (Hartmann 10)
Encouraging identity validation and empowerment through cultural, spiritual, and community based practices can mitigate health disparities that predispose Native American communities to higher rates of chronic diseases and, “mortality rates… almost 50% higher than that of their white counterparts.” (State of Health 65) Health disparities between Native American populations and the majority white population in the U.S. are stark, evident through a 121% greater risk of death from heart disease than whites, higher risks for, “stomach, liver, dervix, kidney, galbladder, and colorectal cancers,” a 50% higher suicide rate than whites, and a 6.3% tuberculosis rate in 2012, an “especially striking,” disparity, “when examined against the backdrop of successful infectious disease prevention efforts that have almost eliminated the burden of tuberculosis in other racial and ethnic populations.” (State of Health 66). Many physical health disparities, like predisposition to various cancers and heart disease, can be correlated to a higher rate of alcohol consumption in Native Populations. Substance abuse is a common symptom of mental health issues and is evident in many marginalized communities. In addition to adverse psychological effects, substance abuse can lead to lifelong physical health complications. For Native Americans, these physical health complications manifest in health disparities as aforementioned, but also higher rates of mortality from external stressors like homicide, sexual violence, overdose and other unintended consequences of self-destructive behavior. (Hartmann 10).
Similar to Native American historical and racial trauma, Black people in the United States experienced a unique genocide of their people, culture, and humanity through the institution of chattle slavery. Chattle slavery in the United States lasted approximately 250 years, supposedly ending with the passing of the 13th amendment. (link) Although this amendment abolished slavery in the United States, within the first sentence of the amendment, an exception was made to legalize the use of slavery, “as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.” (link) People incarcerated in the United States, “are subjected to degrading treatment, inhumane conditions, and abusive interactions,” (link) which predominantly affect Black people, as they are incarcerated at a rate five times higher than that of whites (cite). The mass incarceration of Black people, Black men in particular, is a key component of the organizational structure and societal hierarchy in the United States. By legalizing the use of slavery for incarcerated people, the United States, coupled with its high rates of policing of Black people and communities, protected its ability to exploit the free labor of Black people even after the abolition of slavery.
A 2019 article in the American Psychologist Joural cited that, “African Americans are more exposed to racial discrimination than are other ethnoracial groups.” (Comas-Díaz 1). Anti-Blackness, as defined by the Council for Democratizing Education, is, “a two-part formation that both voids Blackness of value, while systematically marginalizing Black people and their issues.” (link). Preferential treatment of lighter skinned individuals and overall conformation to Eurocentric beauty standards is found throughout the world, rooted in the racism created by European colonizers to justify slavery, colonization, and genocide. Anti-Blackness places Black people at the bottom of the racial hierarchy, enforcing the idea that Black people are inferior to other ethno-racial groups, non-Black communities of color included. Anti-Blackness and racism are omnipresent in U.S. societal structures, education included, which predisposes Black children to prejudice at an early age. A Review of Literature regarding Racial Perceptions of Young Children, in the Early Childhood Education Journal, provides insight into, “complexities associated with racism.” (Cristol and Gimbert 201) The journal highlights a longitudinal study by Dr. Phyllis Katz, which analyzed three distinct developmental stages of racial biases: Infancy, Toddler, and Preschool (Cristol and Gimbert 203). During infancy, Katz measured, “preverbal categorization of race and gender,” and found less differentiation of race and gender markers when presenting the infants with same-race pictures (Cristol and Gimbert 203). The toddler stage, months 12 - 30, showed cognitive abilities of children to self-identify racial markers. Black and white children had similar linear developmental progression, “up until 30 months… but as White children continued to demonstrate an increase in accuracy with age on all tasks, Black children abilities began [to] decrease on certain tasks, such as self-labeling.” (Cristol and Gimbert 203). During the preschool stage, 30 - 72 months, Dr. Katz measured same-race friendships amongst Black and white children. The study found that Black children chose more same-race friends than white children at 30 months, but by 36 months, 86% of white preschoolers chose same-race friends compared to the 32% of Black children that did so (Cristol and Gimbert 203). This study shows evidence of cognitive abilities to understand racial differences in the early years of a person’s life, prior to entrance into the education system. A plethora of research has shown the impact that school environments have on children’s cognitive development, being just as impactful as their “family of origin, particularly during adolescence.” (Jernigan and Daniel number). It is important to recognize that, “it can be difficult for Black children and adolescents to make sense of racial dynamics in their environments,” (Jernigan and Daniel 124) when they are continually subjected to racist ideologies and discriminatory practices in the place where they are sent to gain knowledge. Since racial differences are apparent early on in cognitive development, Black children are subjected to the, “physiological, psychological, and emotional damage,” that results, “from racial harassment and/or discrimination.” (Jernigan and Daniel 124).
Research shows that, “African Americans who are subjected to racial discrimination present with symptoms of PTSD.” (Jernigan and Daniel 125). These symptoms include, but are not limited to, hypervigilance to threat, flashbacks, avoidance, depression, and anxiety (Comas-Díaz 2). Unfortunately, the lived experiences of Black people who are affected by racial trauma are invalidated by the eurocentric definitions of trauma in the current Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Health (DSM-IV-TR) (Jernigan and Daniel 124). Additionally, the exclusion of racial trauma from the conceptual definition of trauma protects social institutions, like schools and prisons, from recognizing how they may contribute to trauma experienced by BIPOC. A 2005 qualitative study of Black students found that many teachers employed, “preconceived negative stereotypes about students of color and poor students to silence them,” with Black low-income students being overwhelmingly, “perceived as difficult to manage,” justifying, “increased attention to their behavior and subsequent disciplinary actions,” by school administrators (Jernigan and Daniel 128). Despite widely held beliefs that Black students are less intelligent than their white counterparts, evident by the idea of an “achievement gap” between the two races, data shows that this gap is due to, “a correlation between perceived-teacher attitudes and behavior and student achievement.” (Jernigan and Daniel 129). Negative racial climates in schools impact student achievement, which ultimately affects educational and monetary opportunities for students of color. A 1986 study examined teacher student relationships, and found, “that teachers attended to Black girls less as they progressed through school by providing fewer opportunities for them… and giving significantly less academic feedback.” (Jernigan 128). While this study is a few decades old, it shows that racism has been present in our education system for a long time and the unfair treatment of Black people has persisted throughout history. The unjust criminalization and devaluation Black people have been, and still are, subject to in the United States has concrete, quantifiable effects on the mental and physical well-being on Black communities.
24% of the U.S. Hispanic population self-identified as Afro-Latinx in 2014, a racial identity within the Latinx ethnic identity (link). There are differing views of racial categories within the Afro-Latinx community, with 39% identifying as white, 24% as Hispanic, and 18% as Black (link). Black Latinx people experience increased levels of racial trauma due to the intersection of their racial and ethnic identities. In addition to the inherent racial and historical trauma they would endure as a Latinx individual, Black Latinx individuals deal with anti-Blackness within American society and Latinx culture as well. During the colonization of the Americas, European colonizers physically and sexually abused Native Americans and enslaved Africans. Subsequently, Latinx people can have Indigenous, Black, and White ancestors, creating a wide range of phenotypic racial expressions. An article in the American Psychologist Journal found that
“...the few available empirical studies examining the effect of skin color differences among Latinxs suggests that being darker and having less European-phenotypic features can negatively impact mental health, educational attainment, and income [and]...experience more racial oppression and psychological distress.” (Chavez-Dueñas 52)
Racial differences amongst the Latinx community exacerbate the preexisting ‘othering’ that Latinx and other majority immigrant communities face throughout their lives in the United States. Othering, “is the process by which individuals who are perceived as ‘different’ in a given society are rejected and oppressed.” (Chavez-Dueñas 50). Since Black and white Americans are more likely to have longer ancestral roots in the current United States, their cultures are predominant in American society. This creates an othering effect on non-American cultures. Commonly held stereotypes about Latinx people include, but are not limited to, the perception that they refuse to assimilate and learn English, have ‘unamerican’ cultural values, and exacerbate national debt and crowd social services (Chavez-Dueñas 51). While these pejorative stereotypes are untrue, they bolster the nativism ingrained in U.S. laws and policies. Negative views surrounding immigration have worsened over the past few decades as the influx of immigrants of color increased nativist ideologies in white governmental actors. In 2005, approximately 300 anti-immigration bills were presented in Congress and by 2015, this number had increased by 500% (Chavez-Dueñas 52). There is persistent, widespread fear, throughout the Latinx community, of immigration, with research finding that more than half of the Latinx population have experienced immigration related stress (Chavez-Dueñas 53). “Scholars posit that ICE purposely tries to instill fear in immigrants… [and] terrorize… them violently to deport themselves to their countries of origin.” (Chavez-Dueñas 53). This intentional fear mongering of Latinx immigrants creates emotional and mental distress for these individuals, and enforces the idea that Latinx people are “other” to US society. Additionally, many other immigrant communities and non-immigrant citizens view certain methods of immigration as the “right way” to come to the U.S., which exacerbates negative perceptions of Latinx immigrants, as many are stereotyped to have immigrated without proper documentation. Many people fail to understand that immigrantion policies have become stricter over the past decade, forcing immigrants to explore more accessible immigration methods. Legislation like President Trump’s “Muslim Ban”, the recintion of the Deferred Action for Parents of Americans (DAPA) order, and attempts to eliminate the Deffered Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, of which 96% of recipeients were Latinx in 2019, are prime examples of these systemic barriers to immigration (link).
Not only are Latinx immigrants seen as inferior to other immigrant communities, they are predisposed to experiencing a substantially greater amount of trauma during their immigration process, specifically those who come here through non-legalized methods (Chavez-Dueñas 53). There are three distinct stages of the immigration process that can expose Latinx immigrants to undue levels of psychophysiological trauma. First, Latinx immigrants are more likely to be fleeing violence, political instability and persecution, poverty, and environmental disasters in their countries of origin (Chavez-Dueñas 53). During their immigration journey, Latinx immigrants often experience physical and sexual violence and many asylum seekers die during the process due to, “kidnappings, physical injusries, and exposure to extreme temperature resulting in hypothermia and hyperthermia.” (Chavez-Dueñas 53). Seeking asylum, while legal to do so, is an incredibly long, strenuous process that leaves asylum seekers vulnerable to violations of their rights and psychophysiological trauma. Conditions in immigrant detention centers are inhumane and unjust, and, “detained immigrant[s] reported being denied their medication and access to basic human needs.” (Chavez-Dueñas 53). The dehumanization asylum seekers experience in detention centers, and the trauma they are predisposed to during their immigration journey, constitutes the second stage of trauma. Additionally, if a Latinx asylum seeker is granted entrance to the United States, they are likely to face compounding environmental and societal oppression, creating the third and final stage of trauma. Coupled with the aforementioned negative stereotypes projected onto Latinx Americans, predominantly Latinx neighborhoods have higher rates of, “poverty, [and] exposure to community violence,” exacerbating the ethno-racial trauma Latinx people face in the United States. Environmental and societal factors affect the physical wellbeing of Latinx Americans. Ethno-racial minorities in the United States have, “higher rates of chronic disease and premature death compared to the rates among whites,” with Latinx immigrants being the exception. After spending a prolonged period of time in the U.S., data shows that Latinx immigrants are no longer an exception to this negative health disparity amongst white versus non-white communities, providing insight into the significant impact that racial trauma and social othering, excperienced distinctly in the U.S., have on the physical health of Latinx individuals (The National Academies Press 59). Mental health consequences of racial and historical trauma in Latinx communities are similar to that experienced by Black and Native Americans previously discussed, i.e. depression, anxiety, stress, and substance abuse (Jernigan and Daniel 130). In 2019, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration found that, “8.9 million Hispanic adults had a mental illness and/or substance use disorder - an increase of 3.7%,” within a year (link 4). Substance abuse can also lead people with addictions down unsafe paths due to their increased exposure to and experience with high risk criminal activity. Communities with high rates of crime and drug use have adverse mental and physical health outcomes on all its members, rates which are disproportionately high in low-income communities. Due to systemic racism and inequalities, Latinx, and BIPOC overall, have lower overall income levels than their white counterparts, predisposing them to living in these aforementioned communities and experiencing negative mental and physical health outcomes.
A 2019 Census Bureau report highlights differences in median household income amongst four different ethno-racial groups, showing an income hierarchy between Black, Latinx, white, and Asian Americans. Monetary disparities leave Black households earning 61 cents and Hispanic households earning 74 cents for, “every dollar of income the median white household earned.” (link). Between the four ethnic groups, Asian Americans had the highest median household income, from 2002 - 2019, amounting to $98,174 (link). Additionally, according to Pew Research Center, Asian immigrants surpassed the percent of Hispanic immigrants entering the United States around 2009. Not only are Asian immigrants currently leading immigration rates, but Asian Americans have the highest rates of post-bachelor’s education, household median income, quality of life, and access to quality health care (link). These positive trends in life quality for Asian Americans have been misconstrued by many Americans as greater physical, educational, and mental abilities in Asian Americans. This perception of Asian Americans not only places undue pressure on Asian American individuals and children, but it unfairly perpetuates negative stereotypes about other marginalized groups by juxtaposing their success to that of Asian Americans. All ethno-racial minorities face their own unique set of disadvantages, making it unfair and unproductive to compare quality of life and achievement statistics of different groups to ‘justify’ racist ideologies. These disadvantages culminate to produce systemic barriers to socioeconomic ‘success’ for different marginalized people, effects of which do not reflect the physical and mental capabilities of those individuals.
The Model Minority Myth--“the notion that Asian Americans achieve universal and unparalleled academic and occupational success,” (Museum and Kiang 6) -- causes major psychological distress for Asian Americans. Undue pressure for high educational and occupational attainment creates a unique type of stress for Asian American children as they are socially pressured to conform to stereotypical perceptions of Asian people as smart, over-achieving, non-confrontational beings. Research indicates that, “this pressure can constitute a stressor that functions to impede Asian American students’ willingness and desire to engage in learning processes.” (Museum and Kiang 6). A research article in the New Directions for Institutional Research Journal explores implications of the Model Minority Myth, and found five major misconceptions rooted in the myth: (1) Asian Americans are homogenous, (2) Asian Americans are not real ethno-racial minorities, (3) Asian Americans are not disadvantaged by their race, (4) Asian Americans don’t pursue societal safety nets and resources, and (5) Attaining a college degree is equitable to success (Museum and Kiang 10). All five of these misconceptions are statistically disproven in the research article. Asia is a continent consisting of 48 different countries, with a wide range of ethnicities, racial phenotypes, and languages. These differences create distinct social and economic groups within the Asian community, which affect socio-economic statistics, like Pacific Islanders and Southeast Asian Americans exhibiting, “levels of educational attainment lower than other racial populations in the nation.” (Museum and Kiang 9). By homogenizing and oversimplifying Asian American identities and statistics, the Model Minority Myth invalidates the disadvantages associated with different socioeconomic statuses within the Asian community and perpetuates the idea that all Asians are predisposed to higher occupational and educational attainment.
Furthermore, due to their proximity to whiteness and their supposed life success, fair-skinned, majority East, Middle, and North Asians are often viewed as, “the new whites,” invalidating their ethnic identities and the marginalization that comes with it (Museum and Kiang 8). Similar to oppression faced by Latinx individuals and immigrant communities, all Asian Americans are subject to nativist, racist, and ethnocentric societal rhetoric and governmental policies within the United States. Despite a 6% decrease in overall hate crimes between 2019 and 2020, according to the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism, Anti-Asian hate crimes rose by 145% in the same time period (link). An increase of 116 reported Anti-Asian hate crimes (link) between these two years can be linked to the COVID-19 Pandemic and xenophobic ideologies that placed blame on Asian people. Additionally, Asian immigrants have endured a tantamount of historical and racial trauma, some of the most egregious traumas being Japanese Internment Camps and the creation of the Barred Asiatic Zone. In 1917, in response to an influx of ‘undesired’ immigrants seeking citizenship in the United States, Congress created the Barred Asiatic Zone through the Immigration Act of 1917, preventing immigrantion from, “any country not owned by the United States adjacent to the continent of Asia.” (link). Nativist efforts to maintain the “purity” of American culture were evident through this legislation, as the main restriction put in place to curb immigration from the Barred Asiatic Zone was an English literacy test. Racial trauma, exacerbated and supported by governmental action, can create negative self image and mental health for those affected, most evident through the examination of Japanese Internment Camps. During WWII, “more than 110,000 Japanese Americans were labeled as ‘potentially disloyal’; ordered to leave their homes, careers, and communities; and forced to live in isolated camps located in interior swamplands.” (Nagata 36). The United States government saw the “Japanese race,” as an enemy race, stating that although, “many second and third generation Japanese born on United States soil, possessed of United States citizenship, have become “Americanized,” the racial strains are undiluted.” (Nagata 37). There are two main implications of this argument put forth by then Commanding General for West Coast Security, Lieutenant General John L. DeWitt. First, the wrongful imprisonment of Japanese individuals living in America under the assumption that they had ties to Japanese forces and culture, was motivated by nativist, xenophobic, racist ideologies. According to the U.S. Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians, “the incarceration decision was not a justified military necessity but was instead shaped by ‘race prejudice, war hysteria, and a failure of political leadership.’” (Nagata 36). The pejorative view of Japanese people as, “untrustworthy and unassimilable foreigners preceded the war and resulted in laws restricting immigration, miscegenation, rights to citizenship, and land ownership.”(Nagata 36). It is crucial to point out that German and Italian Americans were not subject to the same deliberate discrimination, despite Germany and Italy being facist, oppressive governments that the U.S. was opposing in WWII. The second implication of the aforementioned statement by Lieutenant DeWitt is the mental trauma associated with the idea of “Americanizing” oneself. Many second-generation immigrants, individuals whose parents are foreign-born and they are American born, experience societal pressure to “Americanize” themselves--immersing themselves in American culture through distancing themselves from their ethnic identity. Many Japanese youth became self-deprecative, and, “tended toward self-blame: that they somehow should have been ‘more American’.”(Nagata 40). This not only wrongfully puts blame on Japanese individuals for their wartime incarceration, but it implies that there is a ‘correct’ way to be American.
The, “sudden uprooting and imprisonment without wrongdoing,” (Nagata 37) created intergenerational impacts. Research shows that four distinct forms of trauma resulted from this wartime internment: Individual, Race-based, Historical, and Cultural (Nagata 37). Individual trauma ensued from wrongful, baseless generalizations about Japanese people, from both the government and non-Japanese individuals. The wrongful internment of their people, “and uncertainty about their future, shattered Japanese Americans’ assumptive world, sense of self, and well-being.” (Nagata 37). Race-based trauma manifests in the form of deliberate, targetted discrimination against all ‘Japanese looking’ individuals, including other East Asian countries like China and Korea. These two levels of trauma, individual and race-based, were prominent during the time of incarceration, while historical and cultural trauma developed due to the effects of wartime incarceration on future generations. Historical trauma references, “trauma that is shared by a group of people and has impacts that span across multiple generations.” (Nagata 37). For Japanese Americans, historical trauma manifested through a collective silence surrounding the experiences of past generations in internment camps. A survey conducted of over 400 Nisei, U.S. born second generation Japanese Americans, showed that 12% never spoke with their parents about internment camps, 50% spoke less than four times, and 70% who conversed only did so for less than 15 minutes (Nagata 40). Silence surrounding historical trauma can cause psychophysiological responses which, “result in disease risk and adverse negative medical outcomes.”(Nagata 41). Lastly, cultural trauma can be understood as a more specific manifestation of historical trauma. For Japanese Americans, cultural trauma is evident in different ways for different generations. The Issei generation, the eldest generation placed in internment camps, faced intense hardships after internment, as they were taken from their homes and livelihoods at an old age, making it harder for them to assimilate back into society. This created a, “strong sense of shame from being imprisoned,” which led many Issei to blame themselves and their cultures for their internment, creating cultural trauma (Nagata 41). For the subsequent generation, Nisei, cultural trauma manifested in strong opposition to perceptions of Japanese people and culture. This caused many Nisei to distance themselves from their Japanese culture, causing deep rooted cultural trauma that would affect future generations. By disconnecting themselves from their culture and turning to “self-blame”, future generations of Japanese Americans are predisposed to less cultural influence and a negative perception of their people (Nagata 41). Sansei, the generation after Nisei, share a desire to become more Americanized, to try and prove their worth to a society that imprisoned their ancestors for not being American enough (Nagata 42). This accelerates not only the loss of culture, but the loss of the Japanese language as well, which further distances past generations from conversing with newer generations on the trauma they endured during internment. Research shows that, “many intergenerational trauma effects are transmitted through parenting interactions,” and silence surrounding historical trauma can create, “experiences of ‘haunting’, a term used to describe the lingering feelings of disturbance that can persist across generations.” (Nagata 42) Creating more space for silenced histories and systemic criticism and change can mediate the traumas, and subsequent psychophysiological effects, that affect Japanese Americans, and Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders in general.
Another community of Americans has been, and currently still is, deeply affected by wrongful perceptions of their peoples, cultures, and histories and a blatant overgeneralization of their communities. The Middle East and North African (MENA) region consists of 19 different countries, including both Israel and Palestine (link). This region is home to a multitude of different cultures, ethnicities, and racial groups, all of which have been historically grouped together and stereotyped due to, “perceived similarities rooted in religion.” (Awad 82). It is crucial to understand the different racial cleavages within the MENA region to gain a better understanding of how racial trauma distinctly affects different MENA communities. Middle Easterners, people from Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen, more often than not, identify as white/caucasian on governmental documents in the United States. On the official website of the U.S. Census, the white race is classified as, “a person having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa.” (link). Despite the Middle East being located in the Asian continent, Middle Easterners are systemically prevented from identifying as anything other than white, as the U.S. Census categorizes Asians as, “a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent.” (link). The distinction between the Middle East and Asia was created by colonial ideologies. In the U.S., the distinction between these two regions was pivotal to the U.S. courts’ prohibition of, “Muslim immigrants from becoming naturalized citizens from 1790 to 1944.” (Beydoun 103). The aforementioned idea of “Americanization” had a pervasive impact on the treatment of Muslim immigrants, and subsequently people from the MENA region, as 93% self-identify as Muslim (link). Islamophobia is not just the fear or hatred of Muslims, but can be defined dialectically as, “the process by which structural Islamophobia shapes, reshapes, and endorses views or attitudes about Islam and Muslim subjects inside and outside of America’s borders.” (Beydoun 92). Structural Islamophobia references the laws, court cases, and governmental practices that limit the rights of Muslims and perpetuate negative stereotypes surrounding the religion. The origins of Islamophobia, and its implications on MENA communities, will be discussed in greater detail later on in this essay, but a preliminary understanding of how racial classifications support racist laws and practices is gained through recognizing the systemic, perpetual attempts to prevent immigration from both Asia and the Middle East for different reasons. As aforementioned, many Asian countries were barred from immigrating to the U.S. as a result of the Barred Asiatic Zone. Due to the presence of communism in Asia, e.g., China and Russia (formerly the Soviet Union), caused panic in American society as communism was viewed as the antithesis of democracy. Middle Easterners, especially those who were white-passing-- “the ability to pass as a white person,” (link) were able to more easily gain citizenship in the U.S., given they distanced themselves from ideologies present in Asia, like Communisim and Islam, evident in court case United States v Cartozian (6 F.2d 919, (1925)). Racial prerequisite cases, court cases used to determine what exactly constitutes a white person, plagued the U.S. courts from around 1878 to 1938. Black Americans had just recently gained citizenship status, and the U.S. saw an increase in immigration from non-white countries. This created fear within white Americans of a potential loss of their ‘culture’, prompting the court to begin using three types of evidence in determining if an immigrant is eligible for naturalization: (1) scientific understanding of ethnology, (2) popular understanding of the perceived race of an individual, (3) and congressional intent of what ‘white’ meant in 1870 (CITE). Racial markers are subjective, leaving a lot up to the discretion of the courts, inherently leaving Muslims and darker skinned MENA Americans vulnerable to violations of their rights and prejudiced treatment.
North African countries Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia are grouped with Middle Easten countries due to geographic proximity and cultural/religious similarities. Despite being racially distinct from people in the Middle East, North Africans are still grouped together with Middle Easterners, and whites, in the U.S. Census. As aforementioned, the conflation of the Middle East and North Africa is rooted in colonial perceptions of religion. The presence of Islamophobia dates back to slavery in the United States. It is said that around 10 to 15% of enslaved Africans brought to America were Muslim (link), with 46% coming from areas with, “significant numbers of Muslims.” (Beydoun 106) During U.S. colonization and slavery, Black people were treated as property. This made it impossible for Black people to be Muslim in the eyes of white enslavers, as it was understood that religion required a person to have a soul, and property was inherently soul-less. Not only did this strip enslaved Black people from their cultures, communities, and humanity, but it ingrained Islamophobia in American society, as the first introduction of Islam to the U.S. was throuogh a group of people that were historically viewed as sub-human. With the United States trying to establish itself as an emerging Western power, it was critical that they aligned themselves with the same ideology as the rest of the Western world. Thus, “the United States had to follow in the footsteps of Europe and establish itself as the mirror opposite of the Muslim world.” (Beydoun 109) Islamophobia and ever present anti-Black racism, as previously discussed in a prior section, create an intersectional level of oppression that affects North African communities.
September 11, 2001, marked the beginning of a major shift in societal acceptance and views of Muslims, and those who fit the generalized image of what a Muslim looks like. Prior to 9/11, Islam was viewed as undemocratic and foreign to American, white culture. After 9/11, the perception shifted to one of Islam as an imminent threat to national security, evident through a “17-fold increase in anti-Muslim crimes nationwide during 2001,” (Panagopoulous 609) and the prompt passing of the USA PATRIOT Act in October of 2001. While this legislation was supposedly meant to provide increased protection from possible domestic and international acts of terror, it inherently left Muslims in a very vulnerable, violated place. “The USAPA enables the government to monitor, investigate, detain, and deport Muslims legally in the name of security, without rudimentary due process of the law and in gross violation of their rights.” (Wong 165). MENA Americans have not only been legislatively oppressed and criminalized, but negative perceptions of Islam and MENA countries are pervasive in American media. A review of over 900 American films in which Arab men were portrayed, found that most played, “brute murderers, sleazy rapists, religious fanatics, oil-rich dimwits, and abusers of women.” (Awad #) A common misconception of Muslims is that their religion makes them inherent supporters of Islamic Extremist Terrorist groups. A research survey conducted by Pew Research Center in 2007 found that around 24% of the U.S. population believes that Muslims support Islamic extremism, yet only 4% of American Muslims agree (link). For context, Muslims only make up around 1.1% of the U.S. population (link), meaning the number of Muslims who support Islamic extremism is almost statistically irrelevant. Although this perception of Muslims as terrorists or terrorist sympathizers is baseless, it still persists throughout the world and has incredibly adverse effects on the mental and physical health of all Muslims, especially those from the MENA region.
In addition to this pervasive prejudice and oppression, MENA Americans are subject to constant invalidation of their identity which creates immense mental health impacts. Invalidation, a microaggression commonly experienced by MENA Americans, has been previously discussed in this section through the examination of U.S. Census racial categories. The reason this is such a dangerous categorization of MENA Americans is because the U.S. Census informs almost all policies surrounding demography, ethno-racial identity, and reparations for minority communities. This not only prevents the U.S. government from taking steps to mitigate cumulative trauma experienced by MENA Americans, but it hinders researchers from conducting accurate analyses of these traumas and their effects on MENA communities. Despite this exclusion of MENA Americans in governmental institutions and aid, there are still ever present stereotypes projected onto these Americans. Similar to other immigrant communities, MENA Americans experience an ‘othering’ process that perpetuates negative perceptions of MENA peoples and cultures. “This exclusion, stigma, and alienation may lead to internalization of these views and negatively impact the self-concept of MENA Americans.” (Awad 82). Research finds that regardless of differences in socioeconomic status, traumatic experiences of MENA Americans predisposes them to, “anxiety, depression, and other symptoms of psychological distress,” (Awad 83) similar to the other four ethno-racial groups discussed in this essay.
Black, Indigenous, and People of Color are predisposed to experiencing ethno-racial and historical trauma in the United States, creating subsequent negative effects on their mental and physical health. Although, “current definitions of trauma, traumatic stress, and trauma treatment are embedded in European perspectives,” (Comas-Díaz 2) there is ample research validating racial and historical trauma and exploring their subsequent effects of psychophysiological health. All non-white people in the U.S. are subjected to racism as it is a key part of how U.S. society is structured. All forms of racism cause inexplicable levels of mental distress for BIPOC, especially BIPOC youth, comparable to that of PTSD. A 2001 analysis of race relations in a daycare posited that children exist in two social worlds: (1) “children are interacting with adults where they acquire information including racial and ethnic images and observations about the adult world.” (2) “Their world of interactions with other children, where they apply and experiment with what they learn.” Children learn to adjust their behavior when moving between the two worlds, and BIPOC children are burdened with the task of learning to respond to racism and simultaneously validate their identity. Healing from trauma and cultural empowerment are deprioritized in the United States, creating systemic barriers to improved mental and physical health for non-white Americans.
In the United States, there are five main ethno-racial groups that were discussed in this essay, each with their own set of historical and racial traumas. Native Americans, those whose land the United States violently stole during colonization, and their histories are excluded from the U.S. educational system and minimized in society. The small portion of land they have been able to reclaim is underserved by the U.S. Government, resulting in high rates of disease and mental health issues like depression, anxiety, PTSD, and suicidal thoughts and/or attempts. Black Americans face similar traumas, rooted in the enslavement of their ancestors and the ongoing criminalization of their communities. The realities of slavery are minimized in the U.S. educational system which perpetuates the colonial ideology that ethno-racial health and occupational disparities are due to the racial inferiority of Black people. Latinx communities are also greatly affected by pervasive anti-Blackness and racism in the United States, especially due the high percentage of Black identifying Latinx individuals. Additionally, negative stereotypes of foreign cultures, societal stigmatization of immigrants, and exposure to trauma during unsafe immigration journeys subject Latinx communities to the same mental and physical health disparities which affect Black and Native American communities. Legislation restricting immigration, motivated by racist, nativist, and ethno-centric ideologies, affects the psychophysiological well being of all immigrant communities. Immigration rates from Asian countries has surpassed that of Latinx countries in recent years, subjecting more Asian Americans to the xenophobia and racism in the U.S. and its adverse effects on their well-being. High rates of intergenerational trauma and symptoms of PTSD are evident in Asian American communities, exacerbated by societal pressure to conform to the palatable stereotype of Asians through the Model Minority Myth. The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, the fifth and final ethno-racial group discussed in this essay, faces a unique set of institutional obstacles due to the systemic erasure of their ethno-racial identities. The racial classification for white Americans includes those from the MENA region, despite these individuals being viewed as non-white in society. Racism, nativism, and ethno-centricism all affect the lives of MENA Americans, and the pervasive Islamophobia in U.S. legislature and society exacerbates the negative psychophysiological health effects of ethno-racial trauma.
Orientalism is defined by scholar Edward Said as, “the basic distinction between East and West as the starting point for elaborate theories,… social descriptions and political accounts concerning the Orient.” (Said 10). Through this mindset, entire regions of the world became something inherently foreign to American/Western life. As the U.S. became increasing ethno-racially diverse, non-white Americans were subject to ostraticaztion, prejudice, and dehumanization. The unjust, unrelenting, and unethical treatment of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color in the U.S. created the current ethno-racial health disparities plaguing these communities today. In order to mitigate these difference, it is imperative to understand the breadth of mental, physical, and emotional trauma these communities have, and continue to, endure in the United States.
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